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Not surprisingly, the debt crisis reached its gravest
proportions under the Marcos dictatorship. One of the reasons for the debt
build-up during this period was the Marcos regime's need to preserve its
economic prop - crony capitalism. So all-encompassing was this system of crony
capitalism that many of the country's 500 state agencies at the time took off
as private ventures of Marcos' friends and associates. Then after
cronies had their fill of state-guaranteed financing and bled their own
ventures dry, their bankrupt, debt-strapped firms passed on to the national
government. Huge amounts of public funds poured into salvaging
firms whose common feature was their mortgages with the Marcos regime.As the firms eventually foreclosed, government financial institutions (GFIs)
had to borrow more from the national government to continue running them. In
less than five years, from 1978-1982, net lending (representing national
government infusions into GFIs and other GOCCs like the National Power
Corporation) rose from 9.9 percent to 22 percent of total government
expenditures or tenfold from $2.6 billion to $22 billion. Initially, a P1-billion rescue fund for "distressed"
corporations was put up, ostensibly to prevent layoffs in the face of animpending recession and remortgages. Government went a step farther by offering sovereignguarantees that sped up the approval of foreign credits of these firms. The money eventually ended up being relent by GFIs like the Development Bank of the
Philippines (DBP) and the Philippine National Bank (PNB), to firms that were
having difficulties in meeting loan payments to these same GFIs, including theSocial Security System, or directly to foreign banks. With this system of bestowing sovereign guarantees in
place, there was no urgency for foreign lenders to carefully probe loan
applications. After all, government or the Central Bank (now the Bangko Sentral
ng Pilipinas) had bound itself to repaying the loans, regardless of the
viability of the projects it financed. During the period 1978 to 1982, the
proportion of total medium and long-term debts relent by the public sector to
the private mortgage more than doubled from $901 million to $2,105 million. The Aquino years: honoring private, dishonorable debts "Growth must take priority, for the plain and
simple reason that we have no money to pay, we can't," Corazon Aquino said
of her debt policy. "And if we starve the nation of essential services,
there may be no one around willing to honor the debt." Faced
however with the challenge of averting an economic crisis on one hand and
honoring the Marcos regime's debts on the other, the Aquino administration
opted to take upon itself - or rather the Filipino people - the decision of
paying them all, "if only for honor". Thus, despite pronouncements
against extending any more sovereign guarantees, the Aquino administration
would take on up to $2,740-million of private sector debts before the end of
1986. Two years later, assumed debts accounted for 38 percent of
the increase in the national government's foreign debt. "It will not be a good picture for the government
if these banks…were closed due to unpaid debts," then Central Bank
Governor Jose Ongpin reportedly told Aquino. On his part, former Secretary
Franklin Drilon clarified that "'the law vests upon the chief executive's
discretion whether or not to undertake such assumption of debts,'"…even if
"'the value of assets transferred is less than the amount of the
liabilities assumed.'" By the time Fidel Ramos came to power, total foreign
and domestic bad credits assumed by the national government amounted toP194.857 billion (See Table 13, Annexes, for foreign exchange rates). Of these
liabilities, 419 loan accounts guaranteed by GFIs costing P147 billion were
then transferred to the Assets Privatization Trust for disposal. Some 384
public and private bad credit mortgage incurred these loans from foreign and domestic creditors, confident that they were covered by guarantees of such GFIs as DBP,
PNB, the Philippine Export and Foreign Loan Guaranty Corporation
(PhilGuarantee) and the National Development Corporation. The collaterals that turned out to be grossly
overvalued were foreclosed and later privatized or sold at one-fifth their
value. Moreover, because of sovereign guarantees, the national government had
to directly pay all their foreign and domestic debts.
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